The Prerogative Powers of the President
Richard Pious’ book on the presidency has always been one of
my favorites. Here’s a synopsis of his description of the prerogative
powers of the president:
Prerogative power
Although
presidential power seems circumscribed by constitutional limitations and the
difficulties of working with coordinate institutions, presidents have a way
around these difficulties. At times they claim vast prerogative powers, based
on their own reading of the Constitution. Armed with these powers, they
unilaterally take actions to resolve serious policy disputes or to manage
crises, and then justify their actions to Congress and the American people
thereafter, defending both the legitimacy of acting (their right to exercise
power) and the authority of their actions (the wisdom of their policies).
From
the beginning of the nation, prerogative power has settled significant
disputes. George Washington unilaterally declared neutrality in the
British-French conflict of the early 1790s, although nothing in the
Constitution explicitly gave him the power to do so. Thomas Jefferson purchased
the Louisiana Territory from France in 1803, although nothing in the
Constitution specified a power of the national government to acquire territory.
Andrew Jackson asserted the power to remove members of his cabinet, instituting
presidential supremacy within the executive departments, although the
Constitution is silent on a removal power. Abraham Lincoln exerted so much
power his presidency was later referred to by Cornell political scientist
Clinton Rossiter as a "constitutional dictatorship": constitutional
in the sense that midterm elections and presidential elections were held in the
midst of a civil war; and a dictatorship in the sense that the Lincoln
sometimes went beyond the bounds of the laws and the written Constitution at
that time of national crisis. Franklin Roosevelt also relied on prerogative
powers before the United States entered World War II. He concluded an executive
agreement with Great Britain to exchange overaged destroyers for naval bases, a
maneuver that significantly helped the British convoys plying the North
Atlantic with war material. The executive agreement, unlike a treaty, did not
require the approval of two-thirds of the Senate, which is why Roosevelt used
this form of international agreement on his own prerogative.
When
a president uses prerogative power and succeeds, there is a
"frontlash" effect: his party and the American people unite behind
him; the opposition often splits and it loses confidence; the initiative is
often ratified and legitimized by subsequent legislative or judicial actions.
In contrast, a president whose actions are checked by the courts -- as were
President Truman's seizure of the steel mills during the Korean War, and
President Nixon's impounding of funds for domestic programs -- faces a
"backlash" effect, in which Congress is likely to pass legislation
making it more difficult for a president to use prerogative power. Thus Nixon's
setbacks in the courts were followed by passage of a law that required congressional
approval in order for a president to defer or rescind appropriations passed by
Congress. The prosecution of the war in Vietnam by presidents Lyndon Johnson
and Nixon resulted in a backlash against presidential war powers, and the
passage of the War Powers Act of 1973, in which Congress gave itself the power
under certain circumstances to require a president to withdraw forces from
hostilities. Federal courts, however, have declined to issue orders requiring
presidents to withdraw forces from hostilities, although there have been
several lawsuits brought against presidents Reagan, Bush and Clinton by members
of Congress. The courts have ruled instead that until Congress as a whole
brings a suit, the cases brought by individual members must be dismissed.
The question is: Is he going to treat every policy dispute as a crisis, whether domestic or foreign policy and claim prerogative power? And, if he does, is he going to experience “frontlash” or “backlash?” If his handling of the immigration and refugee dispute is an indication, the nation is in for a bumpy ride. So far, in this policy area, the courts have denied his claim, the public is not supportive, but Congress does not have the will to curb his power. How many more bungled policy moves are necessary before Congress realizes the effects of his actions? I hope that it’s soon.
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